Segregated Access to Water in Mexico City: Opportunities for Targeted Evidence-Based Policies
*extract from the original thesis, which can be obtained from THU public repository
Mexico City poses as a big archetype of urban inequalities. From living conditions to access to resources, Mexico City offers both the best and the worst environments to live in. One of the ultimate manifestations of inequalities is the uneven access to water. While some neighborhoods in the city can consume up to 1400 liters of water per capita a day[1], some others do not have access to potable water. Though this is a widely known problem, there are little hints to the underlying mechanisms that (re)produce these inequalities.
Figure 1. Segregated urban development in Mexico City.
An unfair distribution of resources deepens other sorts of inequalities, unfolds social conflicts and deprives several social groups from a dignified life. Policies around water access, obtention and disposal have little regard about this disparity and some of them are even counter to reducing inequalities[2]. Moreover, there are hints that suggest that policies are not necessarily evidence-driven and lack ties to science, especially social science.
The water management system is particularly complex, with severe operational and budgetary problems. It is often argued that better policies will only come with a larger budget, but it is highly unlikely that this will occur in the near future, considering the current political scenario. Nonetheless, pressing issues make it compelling to find innovative solutions even with a restrained budget. Spatially targeted policies potentially pose several advantages for environmental issues and have a higher impact on the most vulnerable groups. They could also represent a less costly solution for addressing access inequality.
Though there are some hints about unequal water distribution, there has been no conclusive evidence that shows a relationship between consumption and socioeconomic status. Data is available for showing information at a general level, but that does not pinpoint specific areas, groups or trends. Moreover, spatial analysis has not been used as it potentially could for influencing policymaking. Taking as a case study the water distribution in Mexico City, the current situation of evidence and policy interface in urban areas for tackling inequalities will be analysed. A clearer explanation of the differences in water access is needed, for which spatial analysis is pertinent. Making use of geospatial innovative tools, such analysis is possible and open for improvement in the near future.
It is thus aimed to explore spatial heterogeneity in the relationship between water access and socio-economic conditions in the urban setting of Mexico City to provide further information that could facilitate the elaboration of targeted policies to reduce water inequalities.
Background
Mexico City is the most populated city in Mexico and the second most populated city in Latin America, narrowly following São Paulo in Brazil. It is home to 8,918,653 people[3]; jointly with its metropolitan area it hosts 21,868,073 people. It is located in the Valley of Mexico, at an altitude of 2250 meters with an average rainfall of 625mm[4]. The city is the oldest in the continent, founded as Tenochtitlan by the Mexica people, over 700 years ago. It was founded on an islet, in the middle of several lakes. With the colonization process (from 1521 to 1821) and the increase of the population, inhabitants faced numerous floods and consequently started to pipe the natural flows of water. Water was unwanted and mechanisms for draining it were implemented. The low adaptability of imported Spanish hydraulic techniques brought in the seventeenth century, started a steady desiccation process of the valley[5]. Smaller water bodies meant a higher concentration of heat and thus a higher rate of evaporation. Nowadays natural bodies of water are almost non-existent in the city as 2,000 km of water were reduced to 56.76 kms2
As water left the valley, more people settled in. Being the city historically the capital of the country, the wide range of economic opportunities it offered attracted many outsiders. The demographic boom happened during the last century, when the population quadrupled in a period of just of 30 years, increasing from over 2.2 million people in the 1940s to 9 million in 1970. The urban sprawl put considerable pressure on the government, that could barely address the population’s basic needs. Consequently, big infrastructure projects were developed, among them hydraulic megaprojects.
We can trace back the current configuration of water distribution to that time, when large water projects were put in place in the 1940s. Mexico City became the first city in Latin America to transfer water from different basins, with the Lerma system. From struggling to get rid of the water surplus, the city was not able to provide sufficient amount of water to its inhabitants anymore and had to obtain water from external sources. With the new system, water brought from the Lerma River entered the city through the las Cruces mountain range. Then, it was held in the storage and distribution system in the western part of the city, in the Chapultepec forest. During the 10 years of construction of the Lerma system, groundwater also began to be retrieved, by drilling 5 wells of between 50 and 350 meters deep. Around this time, it was found that the desiccation of the aquifers of the Valley of Mexico provoked its sinking and had severe consequences on the drainage system. The city found itself below the required level to allow the draining to occur by gravity. Thus, a pumping system for drainage was implemented. During the seventies, a water crisis occurred in the city, leading to increment the amount of water obtained from the Lerma River and constructing 230 wells between 1965 and 1975[5]. Social and environmental side effects were severe. The fertility of soils decreased, rural communities faced shortages of water and even droughts, leading to social conflicts. Social conflicts related to Mexico’s City water supply have ever since increased. Following the water crisis of the 1970s, there still was not enough water and the sinking of the city continued posing a big problem. Therefore in 1982, another system was added to supply water to the city: the Cutzamala system. The system consists, roughly, of 8 dams, 130 kilometres of aqueduct and a complex pumping structure. This system nowadays provides 17% of the total supplied water to the city.
The problems of overpopulating a place that used to be a lake
As it can be inferred, the current situation regarding water is a result of complex processes occurring throughout 500 years. Nonetheless, the paradigm of water in the city considerably changed over the last century, when urbanization exploded and water became scarce and unable to return to its natural environment. Mexico City is the zone with most hydric stress in the country, facing serious havocs in the near future. It is estimated that by 2030 the current water consumption trends will cause irreversible damages to the ecosystems and society. The water is not “available” anymore, since rainwater is disposed and extracting water from dwells is problematic. Extracting water from the city’s underground reservoir, added to the city’s constructions, causes the city to sink 30 centimetres in average each year. At the same time, this sinking damages the water infrastructure which is already brittle and in constant need of maintenance. Desiccation of the lakes has also had huge environmental consequences, leading for example to a 5°C change in the Mexico Valley area and threatening the existence of 75 native and endemic species. As more people settle in, forests become unwanted too. Deforestation comes with urbanization which aggravates water scarcity. Vegetation that once fostered the preservation of the water cycle, gets replaced with concrete and thus reduces the availability of water. Conservation of the “green belt” of the city, where 60% of the water is obtained from, is deficient and paradoxical. Some of the municipalities that face one of the severest scarcity issues, are part of this belt, where the largest amounts of water are supposed to be obtained. Consequently, Mexico City cannot grant its citizens water security nowadays. 18% of its inhabitants receive water only once or twice a week and 32% do not receive enough water for meeting their needs[6]. Furthermore, the water received is not good enough for human consumption. The water system purifies water, meeting quality standards. However, some of the pipes are not in optimal conditions and the water’s state once it arrives to the families’ households, is dubious. Added to this, storage methods in Mexican households increases the pollution risk[7].
People who do not receive water often, face severe burdens. Some of them invest a long time in retrieving water and have to save as much as they can, which leads to hygiene problems. This has been especially burdensome for the poorest segment of Mexico City society, and it became more evident during the COVID19 pandemic. Water is key for preventing the spread of the virus and is out of reach for a considerable percentage of the population. Residential areas do not face this issue, consuming on average 567 litres a day[8]. This segment of the population with good water access, however, represents only around 2% of Mexico City’s inhabitants. Mexico City’s inhabitants rely almost to a full extent on the government, who is the water provider. The resource and its management are a venture concentrated in the government’s expertise and thus away from people’s everyday knowledge. Among Mexican government experts, water has been given primarily an economic valuation, following a predominant model of water management focused in supply, and is addressed accordingly.
Paradoxically, however, the city suffers from floods very often. While the city possesses no more natural water flows, its lake nature is still tangible, with constant precipitation throughout the year. “Atypical” rains occur constantly, hazarding households, public roads and even killing people. The water from rain has not been exploited until recently and infrastructure projects are insufficient to solve this issue. This causes severe havocs, the current infrastructure being unable to foster the city’s resilience. As a result, the city faces water shortages and surplus at the same time. Constantly draining water, importing water, dealing with obsolete infrastructure among other issues, has given Mexico City the most costly water in the world.
To date, 40% of the system’s water is lost in leakages and most of the people buy bottled water, generating .258 kilograms of CO2 per capita daily. More water leaves the city that it enters (390 wastewater litres per capita as opposed to 318 litres of inflow), as the raining water is not exploited; considerable pollution is generated for water supply, both from public and private services[9]. There is a broad disagreement on what the problem is, since water is abundant and scarce at the same time and water is viewed from opposing perspectives. The solution to the problem thus, lacks a consensus and joint efforts. The problem solving is complex as it involves numerous stakeholders whose participation is erratic. Given this complexity, water accessibility in the city can be regarded as a wicked problem.
Is water a universal right? Or is it a resource people acquire according to their socioeconomic status?
Historical, geographic and meteorological conditions partially explain the current accessibility to water in Mexico City. But while some information shows clear differences in access to water in different parts of the city, it is still unsettled if this is also determined by income disparities or not. Given the fundamental human right and public value status that water has, there is no reason why income inequality should be taken as an acceptable explanation for water disparity. Lucidity on the matter is needed for directly attending the causes of uneven access to water. Moreover, the steady rise in the number of water conflicts in the city has been associated with scarcity, even when Mexico City constantly suffers from floods. This paradoxical situation puts in doubt scarcity as the main reason for the ongoing water crisis and encourages us to take a deeper look into the social roots of the issue. While important progress has been made in recent years to explain marginalization and segregation in Mexico City, incorporating all kinds of technology into the social study of the problem; there are still blank spaces to fill in the access to basic resources category. Moreover, it appears that there is a general acceptance of water disparities as a natural outcome of income disparities.
The insufficient information on the matter suggests a lack of public agenda for addressing a fair distribution of natural resources in the most prominent urban area of the country. It is unclear if evidence is produced around this social problem and if so, how it is used by policymakers. Taking as a case study the water distribution in Mexico City, this thesis analyses the current situation of evidence and policy interface in urban areas for tackling inequalities. A clearer explanation of the differences in water access is needed, for which spatial analysis is pertinent. Making use of geospatial innovative tools, such analysis is possible and open for improvement in the near future.
Ideally, this will:
-Enhance an understanding of the current production and use of evidence for policymaking in global south cities by analysing the unequal access to water in one of the most prominent cities of the global south and
-Contribute to the urban political ecology literature’s scholarly discussion of natural resources inequality in urban environments, providing an inequality perspective on access to vital resources.
The above will follow the next guiding questions:
· Is the current distribution of potable water in Mexico City related to socio-economic factors? To what extent? How is this visible?
· Is evidence around access to water credible, salient and legitimate to the production of public policies concerning water in Mexico City?
Methods and results
Quantitative data was retrieved from recently published datasets, which give an outlook of the distribution of water in Mexico City[10]. Qualitative data (personal interviews) was then used for expanding on the information that was retrieved. Knowledge from experts was used to understand the results from the quantitative method, that by a mere quantitative analysis could be misinterpreted or not complete.
The quantitative method consisted in a one way analysis of variance (ANOVA) to determine whether there are any statistically significant differences between the means of two or more independent variables. The means of consumption of water per block analysed between the variables: high, medium, low and very low socioeconomic groups, provided by SACMEX[11]. This procedure was made using a modified dataset of neighbourhoods. The neighbourhood dataset reduced 23,938 data entries (existing blocks from the SACMEX dataset) to 1182 (available neighbourhoods from the Social Development Ministry[12]). For the neighborhood’s analysis it was necessary to use other databases to cross-reference information of water consumption and neighborhood’s inhabitants. The original dataset lacked important insights, for example, inhabitants or consumption per capita. Inhabitants are not available by block, but they are by neighbourhood. It is important to consider inhabitants for the analysis as poorer areas tend to be more densely populated. Complementary calculations were made by the author to make a thorough analysis. Thus, a crossing of datasets was made to perform the first analysis, based on consumption per person by neighbourhood.
The method attempted to understand the relationship between socioeconomic level and access to water. SACMEX provides with the water consumption of the third bimester of 2019. Consumption of every block is categorized by SACMEX using the “social development index”, which indicates the socioeconomic status of a given block or neighborhood. It is noteworthy that this represents 72% of the total number of neighbourhoods in Mexico City (1473 total neighbourhoods). Only this percentage was used due to inconsistencies between the two datasets that were used (SACMEX and Social Development Index datasets). Differences in names of the neighbourhoods or inexistence of such represented 28% of the data and are thus missing in the spatial analysis. Inconsistencies may be explained by various factors, like the lack of coordination between agencies, no connection of the neighbourhood to the water system, emergence of new neighbourhoods[13], lack of updated data and mistakes in the datasets-
Basic calculations for consumption about the 1182 neighborhoods were obtained: mean, standard deviation and standard error, plus a distribution of consumption per IDS were obtained as a first exploration of the data
The results showed robust results, clearly showing an ascendant trend according to socioeconomic level: the higher the level, the higher the consumption.This first exploratory data shows 21.88% of the population belonging to the high category, 13.88% to the medium, 40.98% to the low category and 23.27% to the popular category. In this stage it is worthwhile to note that a different government body, the Mexico City Ministry of Inclusion and Social Welfare, situates the distribution as 33.32 % belonging to high, 21.86% medium, 23.45% low and 21.35% to very low (SIDESOCDMX, 2020). The discrepancies show an example of the lack of coordination between government agencies and shared methods, information and resources; for approaching a problem.
On the other hand, the basic exploratory data shows how all four of the categories share the same minimum value, “0”. It is to be noted that the presence of zeros does not necessarily mean “no consumption”. In many cases, it is related to a flaw in the water metering system. The 4 categories show rather high maximum points, which may be considered as outliers. These outliers may indicate several flaws in the system, as well as existing leakages. The means vary amongst each other, the highest mean being of the high category, followed by low, popular and medium categories. These values may have been greatly influenced by the outliers.
The procedure resulted in a statistically significant ANOVA, meaning that between the existing factors (socioeconomic indexes), there are differences in consumption. Then a Tukey procedure was followed. Tukey’s results showed clear differences in consumption per neighbourhoods, with clearer trends in the higher socioeconomic level to consume more. All groups were significantly different.
Spatial analysis
The spatial analysis becomes relevant once the differences in consumption between the different socioeconomic categories are identified. The Tukey’s method show significant differences between almost every category. The neighbourhood spatial analysis allowed for clearer results, showing trends of consumption. The first map shows the distribution of the IDS categories: 157 popular, 568 bajo, 236 medio, 100 alto. In total, 1061 neighbourhoods are displayed.
The distribution of different IDS shows presence of the low and popular categories are spread almost throughout the whole city. The high and medium categories on the other hand, are mostly found in the central and north-western areas of the city, with few exceptions of the medium category found at the south-eastern part of the city.
The distribution of water consumption is first displayed in quintiles. The higher the consumption, the darker the dot. This map shows lower patterns of consumption towards the southeastern part of the city, while higher levels of consumption are found in the central and northwestern part. The highest quintile of consumption is highlighted in the map below.
Out of the highest quintile (237 neighbourhoods), 66 belonged to the high IDS, 83 to the medium, 81 to low and 7 to very low. In this same group, the highest consumption (an outlier), indicated a consumption of 8883 litres per person a day, the “Centro” neighbourhood belonging to the “low” IDS. Following this, the neighbourhoods with the highest consumption per person were the following:
The next 50 places (consumption above 200 litres per person a day) in the consumption ranking are distributed as follows: 34 high, 15 medium, 4 low, 2 very low.
Out of the lowest quintile, excluding zeros, (236 neighbourhoods), 3 belonged to the high IDS, 40 to the medium, 109 to low and 84 to very low. In this same group, the highest consumption, indicated was of 29.3 litres per person a day and the lowest of 1.78 litres a day. Following this, the neighbourhoods with the lowest consumption per person were the following:
The findings lead to a further understanding of the ongoing dynamics of water distribution. Access to water is indeed as an expression of imbalances of the economic model, deriving in multiple other problems. As noted before, complexity is a major factor to consider and results are not exhaustive. The maps and the lists of higher and lower consumption trends show extreme differences of consumption. Out of the highest 50 spots, above 200 litres per capita consumption, 47 belonged to either high or medium IDS. On the other hand, among the lowest consumption neighbourhoods, 38 belonged to low or very low IDS. The maps show that there is a severe disparity amongst higher and lower groups.
Differently to other public services, like electricity[14], water is unevenly distributed. There is statistical significance between each socioeconomic level described in the methods section, and the highest consumer of water corresponds to the highest socioeconomical level (alto). Moreover, the groups that face the most burdensome water restrictions (little access to water, batch policies), correspond to the lowest level (popular).A public good should fulfil two necessary conditions: non-exclusivity and non-rivalry. This means that a public good does not generate less availability to another user and it is costly to leave someone behind. Universal coverage, equity in consumption and availability should be incorporated as public values to achieve sustainability of water services[15]. Taking this into consideration, water services are not a public value in Mexico City. This poses several questions for the city’s current water management.
The water system was actually designed for distributing the resource equally, with almost enough infrastructure to reach every neighbourhood in the city[16]. However, for adequately distributing the pressure of water, special valves are needed, and thus considerable investment in this regard. The current beneficiaries of the water system are inhabitants of specific zones in Mexico City which are categorized as wealthy. This can be corroborated with the maps shown above. Although the city’s socioeconomical characteristics are related to how water is distributed, this is not enough to explain why uneven distribution of water prevails in Mexico City’s society. All of the analysed data entries belong to the water system, meaning that they should have access to water. Nonetheless, water is clearly consumed without restrictions in some areas, while its consumption is zero or close to zero in other areas. This is not related to consumers’ choice, as water is indispensable for human survival. There are other major factors that directly influence these trends.
The policymaking process is key to understanding the state of the water distribution, as the city’s inhabitants fully rely on the government to obtain the precious resource. Appealing to the statement “level of inequality is not a natural consequence, but an active decision of policies” (Campos, 2020), unequal access to water is an active decision of policies that denies a large part of the population access to fundamental human rights while giving permission of squandering to others. Tiered policies started around two years ago, changing the traditional flat tariff, which meant that the same tariff was applied to the whole population, regardless of their socioeconomical status. Since 2018, popular and low categories paid little or no amount at all for water services whereas tariffs for medium and high categories were considerably higher[17]. Medium consumers presented the highest sensitivity to this change in tariff, resulting in a considerable modification to their water consumption habits.
The underlying aim to not charge the population that lacks sufficient water services, in quality and quantity, could be seen as a response to a social justice matter. Nonetheless, this measure strips away the population’s chance to claim for a dignified service. It also “absolves” the government from providing a deficient service[18].
The dynamics for setting the different categories are to be noted. These were determined by external agents to SACMEX (Mexico City Treasury, legislative assembly) and influenced by political aims. It is often the case that policy decisions, like tariffs, are determined by politicians, who shape these policies following some political interests. For instance, it was decided that 2 categories (popular and low) would pay very little or no fares for water. At first sight, this benefits the population that belongs to these categories, who are potential electorates for the next term. Politicians then benefit from having a large amount of satisfied voters. These dynamics also influence the low tariffs for water in the city. Even when higher categories were settled to pay higher tariffs, it was still desirable to maintain a considerable percentage of acceptance among the medium and high categories.
The study shows that the complexity of water is reduced to supply and demand, and the policies are only oriented towards determining tariffs for the service, which, in fact, counter the fair distribution of resources. The logic behind differentiated tariffs was to propitiate a more measured consumption which was to some extent achieved. The medium socioeconomic group was charged a considerably higher amount than in previous years after exceeding the consumption of 30 m3 per household per bimester. This measure was applied only to high and medium categories, affecting only the latter. These types of tariffs are not applied to low or very low categories.
From the very obtention of the resource, to its disposal, water is treated as an infinite resource. The impact of providing water to Mexico City’s population is very high. The whole system is regarded as unsustainable, but little measures are put in place for changing it. Enhancing a sustainable water management system should be a priority for the city’s administration. Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs[19]. Following this definition, the problem addressed above poses a serious threat to sustainable development. The current water system in Mexico City does not present serious improvements in terms of sustainable management of natural resources. First of all, because current water consumption trends are unsustainable. Secondly, because it directly impacts other dimensions, like health, economic development and environmental conservation. Water is a transversal element, and its fundamental nature should compel governments to make better decisions around it, as it impacts so many other realms. This can be seen in the Sustainable Development Goals, water directly or indirectly impacting almost all of them. The present study is related mainly to 3 goals: SDG 6, SDG 10 and SDG 11. However water and its management have direct influence in many (if not all) of the rest.
Inadequate management of the supply of water is counter to resilience characteristics and even endanger the population and environment. There is a systematic perpetuation of unequal access to water in cities. Unequal access to, and inefficient use of, public services, as well as financial fragility and the harm inflicted by natural hazards, demand an integrated and coordinated response at the local, national and international levels. Urban planning in growing cities must avoid this paradigm and big cities should seek to revert it. Adding to this, sustainability projects are emerging from alternate sources to public administration and do not form part of a holistic view of improvement. Lack of coordination, political will and sustainability vision and support, are hindering these projects. A good strategy could focus on enhancing collaboration with already tested projects.
While the information above is available to the public, there is a lack of government actions that tackle existing problems. Moreover, there is a lack of information processing or knowledge enhancing systems that support policymakers’ decisions. Practitioners, as previously noted, are separated from the policy cycle and policymakers lack sensitivity to pressing issues. An aspect to be noted is that water in Mexico City is currently treated as a political issue. This poses many different problems, with the most pressing ones being:
· Populist measures: Policies are directed to keep the population happy, but not necessarily by the most sustainable means. This usually implies short-termed vision, miscommunication and lack of accountability.
· Not letting experts take part in the decisions: Politicians are not necessarily informed about the pressing issues of the population, nor of existing scientific evidence. The decisions taken might be lacking adequate, legitimate and salient information.
· Misuse of evidence: Experts are sometimes required for providing evidence, though it is usually the case that the evidence is used to support or justify an already-made decision.
· Overlooking the roots of the problem: By considering only the political dimension of the problem, usually immediate actions are taken, neglecting the actual causes of the problem
The uneven distribution of water is a widely known problem. Not only by the users, but by academics and also by policymakers. Nonetheless little effort is placed towards addressing this problem.
First of all, there is no public policy for a just distribution of water in Mexico. The topic is hardly discussed in the government’s agenda, impeding a policy cycle to start and thus, the establishment of policies is non-existent[20]. Other issues related to water are the ones that set the policies, which mostly focus on keeping the water system running. A critique that is often made of the city’s water system is about the dependency of SACMEX to normative bodies, which prevents it from the design of public policies and even from decision making[21]. Populations with higher purchasing power have more and better access to water. Though there are exceptions, this is almost a rule in Mexico City. They not only benefit from water, but have never to deal with the burdens of the lack of it, which perpetuates the status quo. The current status quo makes it easier to invest in technical solutions than to analyse the roots of the problem, which this thesis shows to be socio-economic in nature. Investing in big infrastructure projects (like Tunel Emisor Oriente, the most recent and largest draining infrastructure project to date) is politically more profitable than long-term sustainable projects and are thus easier to adopt, though not necessarily more efficiently. Inequalities in access to natural resources must be mitigated through fairer social policies in urban transformation. A change to the paradigm that gives an economic value to water should be considered, especially with water being a fundamental human right. Big investment in infrastructure projects, subsidies for tariffs and maintenance costs result in normal mechanism of water policies, which are insufficient. The success of these policies is measured in operative indexes that give an incomplete view of the current status of the policy. The indexes do not incorporate an environmental or social sustainability component, another hint of lack of policy.
Secondly, there is considerable pressure on SACMEX as the body responsible for distributing water to the citizens. This body however, does not have the necessary means for dealing with the most pressing issues. SACMEX is considerably underfunded and has tended to a leaner operative personnel profile. The resources are very often poorly administered. For example, cutting edge technology can be found at water treatment plants, but personnel are not qualified for managing it, and thus the plant is underused[22]. Added to this, the system relies on old infrastructure that is in constant need of maintenance. Avoiding floods, repair and obtaining quality water are the main, if not the only, concerns that the system has the capacity of dealing with. The result is an operative body that lacks sufficient means to efficiently allocate the most precious resource to Mexico City’s inhabitants, and even less means to influence policies. Being this body is not empowered for normativity, it is hard to expect that this situation will change in the short term.
Thirdly, the previous analysis demonstrates that water issues are commonly approached from a technical point of view, providing an incomplete frame that does not suit the issue’s complexity. Technical approaches have led to the general view of water as being scarce, which is, as it has been exposed before, not true. Given the current management conditions, water is not enough for everyone and the situation is getting worse with the time.
As a fourth point, issues around water are mostly brought up by society’s organizations or academic institutions. These problems are addressed as something to be immediately, but not sustainably, fixed. To address scarcity, leakage and poor water quality the Mexican government puts in place short term solutions that will temporarily solve the problem. For example, it sends water trucks for the neighbourhoods that are facing water shortages. Society’s demands are addressed, but in a short term, which conserves the problem in the same state. Society’s demands are also not included in the policy cycle and thus problems are not sustainably solved.
Fifth, the current state of the science-politics interface is problematic. Not only are politicians illiterate in science, but scientists are illiterate in policymaking. The scientists’ work should not end in the production of knowledge but its facilitation to decisionmakers or whomever, in order to contribute to the world. Abrams[23] noted how water is inevitably political and thus it is desirable for practitioners to become aware of political affairs. There is also a need for better coordination among agencies where both parts would benefit from not duplicating efforts.
From reviewing the existing literature around Mexico’s City’s water right policies, a big gap between the policy statements and the outcomes becomes evident. The National Water Law establishes a principle that sustains the water policy to draw “attention to the needs of water coming from society for its well-being, from the economy for its development and from the environment for its balance and conservation; particularly, special attention to these needs for the marginalized and economically less favored population”[24]. In the execution of the policies however, little attention is drawn to whether the outcomes actually favor the marginalized population.
Out of 1,473 neighbourhoods in Mexico City, 241 receive water through batches[25]. This is despite the fact of being connected to the network. This needs to urgently be addressed. The system was designed to evenly distribute water. It needs valves however, in order for the water to arrive to the eastern part of Mexico City. This example highlights the specific parts of the system where valves are most needed. Addressing two issues at the same time: on the one hand, excessive use by some areas and bringing the water where it previously was not would directly address the unnecessary squandering of water for the first time.
There is an evident contrast between the poor evidence surrounding social issues that do not match the technical evidence produced for carrying out an hydraulic project. If basic universal consumption is considered a priority in legislation and then in public policies, then egalitarian measures to access water would follow, restricting the use of ‘luxury’ water. Also, batches policies, which are policies that supply water only several times a week, will not be determined socioeconomical status. Currently, all the 241 neighbourhoods that receive water through batches belong to the “low” socioeconomic category.
The current situation contradicts water’s public value characteristic and disobeys the legislation around it. By identifying the specific places where water is squandered, several measures could be put in place:
1. Prioritizing the installation of valves. As mentioned above, the system was designed for the water to arrive even to the most distant places. As long as there are pipes, water should be able to flow. The problem is that the system runs out of water after being used by only part of the neighbourhoods. This could be targeted by installing valves that regulate the pressure of water, allowing it to travel for more kilometres.
a. Valves could be installed firstly in those areas where water is squandered, regulating the use of water.
b. Targeted spots of overuse of water could be spotted by using GIS tools with pre-existing information. This, taking into consideration that there is space for improvement in terms of data generation and collection.
2. Put more efforts into avoiding leakages. The systems allow to identify were outliers are occurring, making leakages visible. Once extremely high levels of consumption are spotted, efforts can be directed to fixing the leakage, even without being notified by users (as is usually the case). Since leakages represent around 40% of the system’s water loss, aiming to constantly reduce this squander, would mean a remarkable achievement. Water brought from other basins, represent around 30% of the water consumed. Solely focusing on avoiding leakages, might mean no reliance on external sources in the future.
3. Disincentivize the excessive use of water. There could also be several means for this point:
a. Economic measures. The high socioeconomic group seemed to have little sensitivity to the increase in tariffs. This was shown with the differentiated tariffs introduced in 2017. Since their consumption is still very high, an increment in their tariffs is justifiable. Differentiated tariffs are desirable, as long as they are not influenced by political interests. Populist tariffs do not help to solve the city’s water issues, they mislead citizens to think that the water is more available than in reality. Some politicians are not willing to put this in place as it decreases their popularity.
b. Subsidies should be non-existent for excessive consumption, which is very often the case for higher IDS levels. Over 3m3 consumption of water per capita, should not receive subsidies for the service.
c. Batch policies. Batch policies are usually only affecting low and very low socioeconomic classes. A fairer distribution of water would consider batch policies in the higher economic areas as well. People are usually prevented from accessing water in advance of when the shortages will occur, the same can be applied with neighbourhoods that are not used to batches.
d. Municipalities’ participation for continuous improvement. Propitiating a feedback system, Mexico City’s government can better engage those municipalities whose water use is above average.
By identifying specific areas where water is lacking, the next policies could be taken into consideration
1. Incorporate society into policies’ decisions. When users are involved in decision-making they are willing to pay, users should be determining the amount to be paid for water services. If users are involved it could also be the case that consumption can drop. Currently, it has to drop from 31 m3 per household, to 21m3 (Aguirre, personal communication, September 18, 2020). Moreover, by having the users to pay, they are in the same right as everyone else to demand a quality service.
2. Incorporate per capita consumption into tariffs. At the moment, subsidies are placed by household’s IDS and consumption, which is unfair. Higher IDS households tend to be formed by fewer members than lower IDS households and thus they have more water per capita considered in the tariffs system.
3. Support alternative water sources, like rainwater harvesting. There are ongoing pilot projects that currently benefit 5,000 households. As this thesis demonstrates, however, the number of people who struggle for access to water is far higher.
Finally, the next overall measures for policies are desirable:
1. Ensuring, first and foremost, access to quality water to everyone, setting this as a priority for the city’s agenda, and in line with the SDGs.
2. Well-grounded data as a start for well-formulated policies. Information is found now more easily than ever. There is great potential for generating great knowledge from information available, though a big challenge as well. Even this thesis, with its necessary limitations, demonstrates this very clearly. Fostering a more solid evidence-policy interface is desirable for enhancing knowledge-use in policymaking.
3. Closer collaboration between experts of different fields, enhancing a stronger evidence-policy interface. A more solid evidence-generation platform can be fostered through a much needed inclusion of social scientists alongside technical practitioners, in the policymaking realm.
4. Formulating spatially targeted policies. Spatially targeted environmental programmes potentially have the advantage of focusing on small areas, where policy measures can have a higher impact, particularly for the most vulnerable groups, than is the case when public resources are dissipated across the city (Lome-Hurtado, et al., 2019). This is especially relevant for this case, as a way of reducing the tremendous financial need for correcting the ongoing measures.
5. Enabling SACMEX to influence the decision-making process in terms of water. To counter political aims, SACMEX should be an organisation able to influence water policies.
6. Attaining the SDGs, following the initial compromises acquired in 2015. The SDGs can serve as a useful framework for attending to water’s complex and multidimensional characteristic in Mexico City and beyond.
Acknowledging that there were multiple limitations for this study, further research is desirable for complementing the presented information. Using more detailed spatial analyses that are related to other variables, like conservation areas, construction areas, etc. could add a more detailed analysis for better targeted policies. The use of available data leaves the imminent need to improve the state of transparency that many organizations have.
Moreover, a deeper analysis of the current state of the evidence-policy interface is needed, since this is an incipient practice in Mexico and even in Latin America. A broader discussion of its benefits but also its pitfalls can be sparkled by the practitioners already involved in the matter. Effects of water scarcity are not affecting everyone, severely damaging a considerable percentage of the population. Tackling excessive consumption through spatially targeted policies could potentially have a positive effect in a fairer distribution of the resource. This could be fostered through the strengthening of an evidence-policy interface, where multidisciplinary teams interact to help policymakers make informed decisions.
The results from this study invite new possibilities and potential for water-access policymaking. It has been aimed to reflect on the access to water as a portrayal of Mexico City’s entrenched inequalities.
A fair society cannot allow fundamental human rights only to the population that can afford it. Water access is just one example of the many policies that completely neglect inequalities.Better policies are possible and tools for making fairer policies are available, even within precarious conditions. The longer it takes to change the actual status of water, the more obstacles will emerge. Policies will not only have to be efficient, but have to be quickly implemented. A sustainable, resilient city has to be envisioned, and this has to start by guaranteeing access to water to everyone.
*This is a condensed manuscript from Daniela Chavez’s master thesis. The complete study can be found in the Tsinghua university repository.
References:
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[13] It is common that old towns change their status of “town” to “neighbourhoods” and thus change the name. Also, informal settlements add a layer of complexity, as some are included in official statistics while others are left out.
[14] Aguilar, I., & Monforte, G. (2016). Public Water Services, Public Value and Sustainability: The Monterrey Metropolitan Area Case. Gestión Y Política Pública, xxvii(1).
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[15] idem
[16] Espino del Castillo, personal communication, September 24, 2020
[17] Aguirre, personal communication, September, 18, 2020
[18] Torres, personal communication, September, 9, 2020
[19] IISD (2020). [1] Sustainable Development. Retrieved 12 September from https://www.iisd.org/about-iisd/sustainable-development
[20] L. Torres, personal communication, September 9, 2020 [21] Fuentes, personal communication, September 10, 2020
[22] Espino del Castillo, personal communication, September 24, 2020
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[24] DOF (1992). Diario Oficial de la Federación. Decreto por el que entra en vigor la ley de aguas nacionales.
[25] Gaceta Oficial de la Ciudad de México (2019). Órgano de Difusión del Gobierno de la Ciuad de México.
